Appendix - Ethiopia
Origins and antiquity
Some of the oldest evidence for anatomically modern humans has been found in Ethiopia,
and it is now generally supposed that it was from Ethiopia that modern Homo sapiens
first left Africa. Its ancient Ge’ez script (also known as Ethiopic) is one of the
oldest alphabets still in use in the world.
Political history
After 44 years as emperor, the reign of Haile Selassie came to an end in 1974, amid
general discontent among the middle classes regarding the condition of the country,
food shortages, a series of border wars, the first oil shock and its attendant inflation
and the politics of the Cold War. Power was seized by a communist military junta known
as the Derg, which was responsible for the period of the so-called Red Terror, in
which as many as half a million Ethiopians were killed between 1976 and 1978. Simultaneous
land reform resulted in all land in Ethiopia being appropriated by the state and then
reallocated to peasant farmers in allotments not exceeding 25 acres (10ha). Compounded
by worsening drought conditions in the early 1980s, the inefficiencies associated
with this policy were a significant contributory factor in the famine that swept the
country in 1984. The government’s subsequent policy of transplanting as many as 600,000
people from the supposedly drought-prone north to the supposedly fertile south and
west of the country did little to alleviate the situation. The Derg was ultimately
defeated by another communist faction, the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic
Front (EPRDF) in 1991 in a civil war that resulted in the flight of its then president,
Mengistu, to Zimbabwe, where he sought asylum, and Eritrea’s independence from Ethiopia
in 1993. In 1994, a constitution was adopted that embedded a federal administrative
structure for Ethiopia enshrining the principles of regionalism and ethnic autonomy
and the devolution of power to regional states, which led to the country’s first multiparty
election. It also enshrined, for the first time, the constitutional principle of the
national ownership of land. Three years later, a border dispute with Eritrea led to
the Eritrean-Ethiopian War, which lasted until June 2000. On 15 May 2005, Ethiopia
held a third multiparty election, which was won by the incumbent EPRDF. Though the
Carter Centre approved the pre-election conditions, it expressed its dissatisfaction
with post-election matters and the European Union accused the ruling party of vote
rigging. After a period of post-election violence, opposition leaders were jailed.
Amnesty International described them as ‘prisoners of conscience’ and they were subsequently
released.
During the 2010 parliamentary election, it is believed that the EPRDF halted the counting
of votes for a period of time. According to the Democracy Index published by the Economist
Intelligence Unit (EIU) in late 2010, Ethiopia became an ‘authoritarian regime’ at
this point (ranking 118 out of 167 countries) as a result of a crackdown on opposition
activities, media and civil society ahead of the election. The EIU argues that this
has made Ethiopia a de facto one-party state. However, the EPRDF claimed victory and
remained in power for a further five years, despite charges of fraud and intimidation.
The same pattern appeared to be repeated during the 2015 election. Following the official
re-election of the EPRDF, which, with its allies, claimed 100% of the votes, the opposition
parties initially formed coalitions with the EPRDF so as to join in the ruling party
and the administration appointed by it. As grievance spilled over into discontent,
however, a state of emergency was announced in October 2016 until August 2017. Then,
in early 2018, the prime minister resigned to be replaced by the current incumbent,
Abiy Ahmed, the first Oromo to hold the position, on a platform of economic liberalisation,
strengthened democracy, fighting corruption and the normalisation of relations with
Ethiopia’s neighbours, especially Eritrea (for which he was awarded the Nobel Peace
Prize in 2019).
Ironically, the improvement in relations with Eritrea created the conditions for long-dormant
ethnic tensions in the rest of the country – particularly in Tigray (which had been
instrumental in forming the EPRDF) – which flared into violence in November 2020.
The delayed election of 2021 was won by Abiy’s Prosperity Party (although polls were
not conducted in either the Tigray, Somali or Harari provinces). However, fighting
widened to other ethnic groups until a ceasefire was agreed in March 2022. It re-erupted
in August, but was brought under control again by the Pretoria agreement signed on
2 November 2022, although federal troops also had to be despatched to quell clashes
in Amhara, Oromo and Tigray in 2023.
In October 2024, Sahle-Work Zewde (an accomplished diplomat who had served as an ambassador
for Ethiopia and had held several positions within the United Nations) stepped down
from the largely ceremonial office of president, near the end of her six-year term,
to be replaced by Taye Alske Selassie.
Constitution and political framework
Ethiopia is a federal parliamentary republic, in which executive power is exercised
by the government and the prime minister is the head of government. Federal legislative
power is vested in both the government and the two chambers of parliament. The judiciary
is deemed independent of the executive and the legislature (although this has been
questioned in practice by Freedom House, among others).
There are five levels of government, comprising the federal government overseeing
ethnically based regional states, zones, districts (woreda) and neighbourhoods (kebele).
Since 1996, the country has been divided into nine ethnically based and politically
autonomous regional states (kililoch) and two chartered cities (Addis Ababa and Dire
Dawa). The kililoch are subdivided into sixty-eight zones, and then further into 550
woredas and several special woredas.
The constitution assigns extensive power to regional states, which can establish their
own government and democracy according to the federal government's constitution. Each
region is governed by a regional council to which members are elected to represent
the districts and the council has legislative and executive power to direct internal
affairs of the regions.
Article 39 of the Ethiopian Constitution provides that each state has the right to
secede from the federation.
International relations
Relations between the US and Ethiopia were formalised in 1903 and were generally friendly
under the emperors. The relationship cooled markedly after the Ethiopian Revolution
however, owing to the Derg’s association with international communism and US criticism
at the regime’s human rights abuses. In July 1980, the US Ambassador to Ethiopia was
recalled, while The International Security and Development Act of 1985 prohibited
all US economic assistance to Ethiopia with the exception of humanitarian disaster
and emergency relief. Later, the US rejected Ethiopia’s request for military assistance
in the Eritrean war of independence. Relations improved with the downfall of the Derg
and diplomatic relations were restored to full ambassadorial level in 1992. Legislative
restrictions on non-humanitarian assistance to Ethiopia were also lifted.
In the 21st century, Ethiopia has had a close regional relationship with the US and
is a strategic partner in the Global War on Terrorism – a fact that has caused friction
between Ethiopia, Eritrea and the US. For its part, the United States has been the
largest single, international donor to Ethiopia, with annual aid typically in the
order of US$0.5bn, directed towards reducing famine vulnerability, hunger and poverty.
On 29 July 2015, Barack Obama became the first sitting US president to speak in front
of the African Union in Addis Ababa. More recently however, relations were severely
strained by the Tigray conflict, as well as US concerns over other conflicts, human
rights violations and accountability. Consequently, Ethiopia remains ineligible for
US trade benefits, which were suspended in late 2021 on human rights considerations.
Nevertheless, it continued to be Ethiopia’s largest humanitarian donor until last
year, providing it with US$3bn in relief from 2021–23. Conversely, Ethiopia was the
largest recipient of US assistance in sub-Saharan Africa and the fifth biggest in
the world. US food assistance resumed in December 2023 and the US has also provided
over US$335m in non-humanitarian aid for Ethiopia in 2023, of which the majority was
for health programmes. Congress periodically reviews US policy toward Ethiopia, most
recently in December 2023, and some members have expressed concern with governance,
human rights, and humanitarian developments there in the form of statements, correspondence
and/or legislation. Most recently, however, President Trump’s executive order freezing
USAid funding for 90 days has suspended multiple programmes in the country. Although
USAid officials in the country are generally moving to secure exemptions for their
work, it remains to be seen to what extent the situation will return to the status
quo ante in future.
Regionally, tensions have risen with Eritrea, which was an ally of Abiy’s government
in the Tigray conflict, and with Somalia over the Ethiopian government’s quest for
sea access. Ethiopia’s reported offer to recognise the self-declared republic of Somaliland
in exchange for the lease of some coastline has prompted outrage from Somalia and
could spur further conflict in the region. Meanwhile, friction persists with Egypt
over Ethiopia’s Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) on the Nile.
Internationally, Ethiopia is one of the founding members of the UN, the G-77 Non-Aligned
Movement (G-77) and the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). Addis Ababa also serves
as the headquarters of the African Union.